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Greek loanwords in Serbian vernaculars on the territory of Vojvodina

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Author(s): Vlajić-Popović Jasna

Journal: Južnoslovenski Filolog
ISSN 0350-185X

Volume: 2011;
Issue: 67;
Start page: 197;
Date: 2011;
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Keywords: nema

ABSTRACT
This paper presents a pilot version of a more comprehensive study on Greek loanwords in Serbian vernaculars which will deal with their identification, distribution, periodisation, and adaptation. The materials excerpted from the presently existing dialectal dictionaries will be compared with the data from three classical sources on the topic: VASMER, POPOVIĆ 1953-1955, and SKOK. In this phase our goal was to find out whether there is any point in proceeding with the study of Greek loanwords in Serbian, after the results that have been reached by the three abovementioned authors. Our choice for the pilot analysis is Rečnik srpskih govora Vojvodine (RSGV) because of its size, representativeness and actuality: it is the largest single dictionary (ten volumes comprising over 2,000 pages), it has covered the vastests continual territory (at the same time most distant from the line of contact with Greek, and also beyond the borders of the Balkan linguistic unity), it falls in the number of the most up-to-date ones (published in the period 2001 to 2011). The paper offers not just a linear inventory of Grecisms from RSGV, but a classification of types of divergencies from the standard body of Grecisms. It features primarily novelties - be they represented by new words (ponomarh ‘cleric’, mironisati ‘to pray in the church’, parasnik ‘unruly person’), by new semantics (buklijaš ‘horse ridden by the man who carries buklija’, Grk ‘shopkeeper’, katarka ‘long pole onto which knife for cutting the fishing-net is poised’, kolaba ‘structure for drying meat in the attic’, kondir ‘bucket for cattle; mode of cutting wine’, krevet ‘laundry; chair; the lower layer of sheaves in a stook’, liman ‘underwater source’, mira ‘extract produced by cooking large amounts of fish in little water, used as an additon to fish-stew’, paripa ‘horse farm’), by new formation (krevetnjača ‘a solid piece of wood fencing a straw-mattress’, limaniti ‘to make a whirlpool’, talasnjača ‘rigging (on the boat)’, sulundariti se ‘to precipitate’), by new phonetics (ararh : jerarh, bukrijaš : buklijaš, kolaba : koliba, mengule : mengele, raoma/revoma/reoma /roma : reuma, tridofla /trndofl/trndofli/trandofil : trandafil, čelerak : ćiler), as well as certain archaisms (disage ‘saddlebags’, koram ‘belly’, trpan ‘sickle, pruning hook’; parasiti (se) ‘to give up, stop doing something’, komat ‘piece of bread’, pironj ‘big nail’; dgunja ’quince’, sektembar ‘September’), and some semantic rarities (kutlača ‘cooking spoon’, litanija ‘scolding’, mengule ‘troubles’, psaltirac ‘pupil who studies psaltir’, trpeznik ‘tablecloth’). Since the body of some two hundred Grecisms in RSGV contains not only a number of them with considerable phonetic, formative and semantic shifts, but also some rarely or nowhere registered words or meanings, it can be expected that in more Southern parts of the Serbian language territory such finds will be even more abundant. Therefore, it can be concluded that it certainly does make sense to proceed with studying Greek loanwords in Serbian vernaculars in future.
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